27 May 2003

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UNI Europa Commerce Conference, 16 - 18 May 2003, Stockholm

Speech by Mr Kari Tapiola, Executive Director, International Labour Organization


Photo: Urban
Orzolek

Mr. Chairperson,

Dear Colleagues and Friends,

Sisters and Brothers.

I have had to review what I wanted to say today in the light of the speeches at the opening session this morning. I shall have to start by explaining that Ms. Winberg may have a somewhat misleading picture of what the ILO’s position is - or what it is not.

First of all, when we speak about a position of the ILO, we mean a tripartite agreement, reached through discussions and decisions where the representatives of government, employers and workers participate. This is another thing than studies, like the one she referred to. Studies are conducted to explain the background against which political decisions are made.

There is no over-all ILO position on prostitution of the kind that she referred to. Regarding the engagement of children under 18 years in prostitution, the Worst Forms of Child Labour Convention No. 182 from 1999 makes it clear that this is unconditionally unacceptable and should be eliminated without delay.

As to trafficking of both women and children, two ILO programmes are relevant in this context. The trafficking of children, and especially girls - many for prostitution - is dealt with by our International Programme for the Elimination of Child Labour (IPEC). This programme is active in all regions of the world, and about 15 % of the projects deal with trafficking. Trafficking is also one of the special items of our Forced Labour Action Programme, including trafficking of women in Europe.

For instance in North Thailand and Cambodia, these programmes involve sometimes real rescue operations. We work with employers, trade unions, non-governmental organizations, teachers, local authorities, border guards and also the police. Sometimes, unfortunately, we also have to work against the police when corrupt members of the police force are themselves engaged in trafficking and prostitution.

We also are engaged in close cooperation with other international organizations, including UNICEF. In 1996, I had the honour to be one of the first speakers at the first World Congress against the Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children, held in this same conference room.

There is a difference between explaining the extent of a phenomenon and saying what we think about it. The study in question was made in 1998 by very knowledgeable women researchers. It covered the commercial sex sector in four South-East Asian countries, following the Asian financial crisis. It noted that the size of this sector amounts to some 10 to 15 per cent of GDP, if it would be included in the way GDP is calculated. This may not be a nice fact, but it is a fact.

We make several studies on the impacts of economic and other crises on child labour, discrimination, employment and so on. Recently we explained that the SARS epidemic has a direct effect on employment in trade, tourism and commerce. The OECD has carried out studies on the economic dimension of corruption, and I have never thought that such studies would somehow justify corruption. In fact, they are used as an argument for measures against corruption.

The former U.S. Senator Jesse Helms got so annoyed with the study Ms. Winberg mentioned that he threatened to cut off financing for the ILO. A year later he saw us in a different light and actually was helpful with the ratification of the Worst Forms of Child Labour Convention No. 182 by the United States.

As all this involves fundamental principles and rights at work, let me then tell you about another study we have just concluded for the International Labour Conference. This study is entitled “Time for Equality at Work”. It is the first comprehensive study on discrimination linked to the workplace and entry into it.

It is part of the Follow-up to the 1998 ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work. This Declaration reaffirms the four categories of core labour standards: freedom of association and the right to collective bargaining; abolition of forced labour; the elimination of child labour; and non-discrimination in employment and occupation. It reminds that all countries have the obligation to respect these standards, even if they have not ratified the relevant ILO Conventions, and we survey the situation globally and in each country. The unique fact is that there are no serious violations of these fundamental principles and rights at work which would escape our attention - and consequently your attention, too.

So, what does this new study say? It notes that hundreds of millions of people suffer discrimination at work in one form or another, in all parts of the world. There is progress on some of the more blatant forms, such as discrimination by race or gender, but not enough, and in some places progress has come to a halt.

More importantly, there are both new forms of discrimination at work, and where the worst ways have been overcome, more subtle forms appear. And of course, many people suffer multiple discrimination at the same time. This is really a moving target.

Examples of new forms are discrimination in the basis of age, disability, and HIV/AIDS. For instance in Central and Eastern Europe, age discrimination is a growing problem. As to more subtle forms, even if job announcements no longer say, “men only”, they may include other qualifications which make sure that women or minorities are excluded.

The report also points out to a persistent problem. Even though the Equal Remuneration Convention No. 100 is one of our most ratified instruments, and even if the principle of equal remuneration for women and men for work of equal value is included in both the EU Treaty and in virtually all political and government programmes, the statistics demonstrate that we continue to have a problem. We need to work more on this issue.

This report is not only an academic exercise. It will form the basis for an action programme, which will serve better governments, employers’ organizations and trade unions. Once this action programme on equality at work is approved, we shall have a technical cooperation facility for all four categories of core labour standards. The IPEC programme has existed since 1992, and it has grown to cover some 80 countries, with the support of 30 donors. We have undertaken programmes on freedom of association and the right to collective bargaining in some 40 countries. Our forced labour programme is a real growth area, and after that, we shall help to have a better focus on how in practice to avoid and combat discrimination at work.

Next year, we shall publish another global report under the Follow up of the 1998 Declaration, on freedom of association and the right to collective bargaining. It will be a second one on this topic, following the study entitled “Your Voice at Work”, published in 2000. This time we shall try to focus more on collective bargaining. What you are discussing here on negotiating with multinational enterprises is quite relevant, and I trust that we can use this information for our report.

The importance of agreements with multinational enterprises was also clearly reflected in a recent sectoral meeting in the ILO on commerce. It is interesting that you seem to have employers, and sectoral employers’ organizations, which are ready for dialogue and negotiation.

I wish to conclude by one reflection. In many respects, since the first Constitution of the ILO, freedom of association has been considered to be a most fundamental right - in many ways, it is a basis for exercising other rights and applying other labour standards. No-one today will defend the use of child labour or forced labour, or say that discrimination at work is acceptable. Yet, in a number of circles it seems to be perfectly acceptable to deny workers the right to organize, and some even mention this in a positive way in their publicity.

I believe that the more we can promote experiences which demonstrate the benefits of solving problems through negotiations, in an organized way, the better we can make the case for respecting the principle of freedom of association.